Last week, after years of urging, the Census Bureau released this statement:

    In response to concerns expressed by data user groups, the Census Bureau decided to eliminate the term “linguistic isolation” for data products issued starting in 2011. We have changed the terminology to one that we feel is more descriptive and less stigmatizing. The phrase that will appear in all new products will be “Households in which no one 14 and over speaks English only or speaks a language other than English at home and Speaks English ‘Very Well.’” (April 18, 2011 email from David S. Johnson, Chief, Housing and Household Economic Statistics Division of the U.S. Census Bureau)

    Why is this an important victory? Here’s the background: In the extensive media coverage of the 2010 US Census, language has not been mentioned because it is not one of the ten questions on the new short form, but the Census Bureau’s annual American Community Survey (ACS) includes these three questions:

    Based on the data collected in 2009, it was estimated that 80% of the United States population spoke only English at home, and that of the 20% who spoke another language at home, 55% also spoke English “Very Well.” But these percentages obscure the true picture of English proficiency among those who speak another language at home, 62% of whom are Spanish speakers.

    The official reports of these statistics help promote linguistic intolerance and racial/ethnic violence by suggesting that newcomers are not learning English. A more accurate portrait would add those who speak English “Well” (20%) to those who speak it “Very Well’ (55%), for a total of 75% (not including those who speak only English at home). Among those who speak Spanish at home, adding the 18% who speak English “Well” to the 53% who speak it “Very Well” produces a total of 71% of proficient English speakers. 

    Most damaging, however, is the Census Bureau’s classification of “individuals and families” as “linguistically isolated . . . if their household is one in which no member 14 years old and over: (1) speaks only English; or (2) speaks a non-English language and speaks English “very well.”

    The Bureau began labeling those who spoke English “Well”, “Not Well” or “Not at All” as “linguistically isolated” in 1990. This was just as Latino and Asian immigrants were changing the complexion of the immigrant flow in the US. It was also a time of a widespread movement to make English the only official language of the USA, prompting an attempt to amend the Constitution (similar legislation is still pending). As of November 2010, 31 states have passed English-only laws.

    I was able to encourage several national organizations, including the American Anthropology Association, the American Association for Applied Linguistics, and the Conference on College Composition and Communication, as well as the Census Advisory Committee on the Hispanic Population, chaired by Angelo Falcón, to adopt resolutions against the use of “linguistically isolated.” I did so and they agreed because the term is inaccurate, prejudicial and foments linguistic intolerance.  Laura Graham and other members of the Task Force on Language and Social Justice of the American Anthropology Association were instrumental in helping explain why the term is inaccurate, prejudicial, and foments linguistic intolerance.

    It is impossible to be “linguistically isolated” unless you live without human contact. Also, under the Census Bureau’s old term many children under 14 who often speak only English are unfairly labeled as “isolated.” Note that all those households where only English is spoken are not considered “linguistically isolated”; only speakers of other languages are demeaned/disparaged in this way.

    While we welcome the Census Bureau’s decision to eliminate the use of the term “linguistic isolation,” their replacement for it is a cumbersome description that is difficult to understand (“Households in which no one 14 and over speaks English only or speaks a language other than English at home and Speaks English ‘Very Well’”). In our view, “Emerging Bilingual Households” is more positive than another alternative, “Limited English-Speaking Households,” but we welcome other suggestions.

    We continue to lobby for more changes that promote social justice regarding language. Those include the addition of a census question about the ability to speak languages other than English, the rejection of “illegal aliens” as a descriptor for undocumented immigrants, the dissemination of accurate data concerning successful bilingual programs, and the end of linguistic profiling on the job, in housing, and in education. Public support is encouraged. Estamos a las órdenes.

    An earlier version of this Guest Commentary appeared in the April 22, 2010 SLA Blog of the Society for Linguistic Anthropology. Ana Celia Zentella is Chair of the Task Force on Language and Social Justice of the American Anthropology Association. She is Professor Emeritus in the Department of Ethnic Studies at University of California at San Diego and one of the foremost researchers in what she has named “anthropolitical linguistics.” Dr. Zentella can be reached at azentella@ucsd.edu.

By Monica Gil
SVP Public Affairs at The Nielsen Company

   The glorious celebration of Cinco de Mayo is just around the corner, eagerly anticipated in cities and communities throughout the country. America is a wondrous tapestry of many colorful threads, it is important to acknowledge everything that makes us who we are.

   This is a diverse nation and Hispanics continue to be the fastest-growing American minority, having grown by 33%, according to the 2010 Census data, now 15.4% of the entire population – it is important that we acknowledge that diversity every day, not just on a special day. It is evident with the recently released Census data that Hispanics have a voice through the vehicle of their consumer power.

   As the leading global provider of information and analytics around what consumers watch and buy, The Nielsen Company strives to paint a complete picture for our clients – providing an accurate reflection of the racial and ethnic diversity of the total U.S. population. We use “Hispanic,” for example, because our data shows that 35% of Hispanics in America prefer it, while 14% prefer Latino and 50% have no preference.

   Mexicans comprise the largest segment of the American Hispanic population (65.6%), followed by Puerto Ricans (9%), Central Americans (5.8%), Cubans (3.4%) and Dominicans (2.8%), you might not be aware of some other Nielsen insights into the Hispanic culture in America:

   • 25% of American children under 5 are Hispanic.

   • The median age of the Hispanic population is 27.7 years old, considerably younger than that of the total U.S. population, which is 36.8.

   • There are more Hispanic males than females (107 to every 100), while for the total U.S. population, that ratio is 97 for every 100.

• 48% of Hispanics live in California (13.5 million) or Texas (8.9 million).

   • Both English-preferred (68.5%) and Spanish-preferred (57.8%) households are more likely to eat dinner together.

   • Hispanic households shop about as often as other American households, but spend more per trip – an average of $40.19 per trip/$6,268 per year. The average American household spends $37.51 per trip/$5,860 per year.

   • Hispanic households spend more in categories for babies and young children.

   • While Univision Telenovas dominate top TV programming in Spanish, Hispanic top English –speaking programs are par for the course of all Americans – American Idol, NBC Sunday Night Football and Dancing With the Stars.

   Bottom line – Hispanic Americans wield considerable consumer power as a force to be reckoned with. And, that is something to celebrate.

   Happy Cinco de Mayo!

    La Oficina del Censo acaba de revelar que somos más de 50 millones de hispanos en Estados Unidos, exactamente 50,477,594, y que nos hemos consolidado como la minoría más grande, con un porcentaje de 16.3, en contraste con los afroamericanos que constituyen 12.6 y los asiáticos que alcanzaron a ser 4.8 de la población total del país.

    El haber aumentado 15 millones, entre 2000 y 2010, ha generado que se toquen las trompetas de júbilo y no dudo que se haya descorchado más de una botella de champaña para celebrar que la comunidad de los colores del pavorreal, con su sello variopinto, hayan obrado un hito en los cambios poblacionales de la nación más poderosa del planeta.

    No obstante, yo me pregunto si realmente hay algo que celebrar, cuando a 11 millones de indocumentados, incluidos en los 50 millones, se les tiene en el borde del abismo de la deportación y a casi 5 millones de hijos de ellos se les quiere abrogar el derecho a la ciudadanía, a pesar de haber nacido en territorio de esta nación.

    Yo me pregunto si se puede festejar, este “logro”, cuando cada semana que pasa las legislaturas estatales se burlan de los números y proponen más medidas contra los individuos que les han ayudado a aumentar su presencia en el Capitolio, como es el caso de Carolina del Sur, donde de seis representantes a la Cámara se pasará a siete.

    El blogero del sitio de internet del Washington Post, Chris Cillizza,  señaló, después  de la difusión de las cifras, que en siete estados donde el aspirante John McCain ganó las elecciones en su derrota de 2008, los hispanos crecieron más del cien por ciento durante la última década.

    En Alabama, Arkansas, Carolina del Sur, Dakota del Sur, Kentucky, Misisipi y Tennessee, lugares en los que el  fallido candidato republicano y su compañera de fórmula Sarah Palin vencieron, los proyectos antiinmigrantes han estado a la orden del día.

    A la comunidad hispana no se le tiene el más mínimo respeto: funciona para que a sus integrantes se le den palmaditas en la espalda o sean objeto de promesas que no se cumplen.

    Se les toma del pelo con la legalización de los estudiantes indocumentados, con arreglar la situación de los trabajadores del campo y obviamente con la manida reforma migratoria integral.

    Un amigo dijo hace más de dos décadas que nuestro problema como hispanos o latinos era que: “no nos comportábamos como una comunidad, sino como una manada”.

    Cada cabra tira para su propio monte. Se carece de cohesión para adelantar una agenda común que permita que los políticos no nos desprecien. Y los latinos en conjunto ofrecemos un panorama espeluznante.

    Basta indagar las cifras de pobreza de los hispanos, de acuerdo con los estándares nacionales, para encontrar que estamos mal. La pobreza castiga a 25.3 por ciento de la población latina.

    Ni hablar de la deserción escolar, porque es harina de su propio costal. En enero de 2007 publiqué una columna en Mi Gente, el semanario de Charlotte que hoy dirijo, denominada “La obsesión de la A+”, en la que comparaba el éxito de los estudiantes asiáticos con el fracaso de los alumnos hispanos. La realidad es que 41 por ciento de los latinos mayores de 20 años no se graduaron de la secundaria.

    En materia de salud, 30.7  por ciento de la población hispana carece de seguro médico.

    Un mismo cantar es la participación electoral, en la que la indiferencia de los que tienen el privilegio de la ciudadanía es fatal, especialmente en elecciones locales clave, en las que los hispanos podrían marcar una diferencia abismal.

    Un ejemplo, de donde yo resido, fue la votación latina en el Condado de Mecklenburg, de Carolina del Norte, en las elecciones de noviembre pasado. De los 12,312 hispanos que aparecían registrados para votar, solo 2,440 fueron a las urnas.

    Si no se aprovechan los resultados del Censo para que la comunidad hispana cambie la  actitud de modorra, que la mantiene en la mediocridad, por una proactiva que difume las falencias, lo de los 50 millones será solo un número.

Rafael Prieto Zartha es un periodista independiente que escribe sobre inmigración y otros temas relacionados con los hispanos.

By now you have probably heard about the US Census numbers from the 2010 Census. His-panics accounted for 56 percent of the nation’s growth; most of this growth reflects new births. While indeed these numbers are staggering for the general public, for the Hispanic community this growth has been self-evident.

   We have seen our families grow, our neighborhoods expand, and more stores catering to the Hispanic community.  Over past decade, Hispanics have moved into towns, cities, and states that couldn’t boast but a handful of Hispanics prior to the year 2000. But in the past decade, Hispanics have become the majority population in many communities across the nation.

   This expanded growth has come with a backlash from those once Anglo-Saxon dominated communities. In some communities where white voters are more prevalent, legislators have tried to limit and control the growth of the Hispanic community through the draconian power of legislation.

   We only have to look north to Escondido to see this reality played out. Escondido in the past year became a city where the Hispanic population became a majority.  The legislative body of that city, however, does not reflect this change. This decade long growth, which, according to the Census is fueled by births, not illegal immigration, continues to reflect an anti-Hispanic bias.

   For the Hispanic community, the Census numbers are not surprising, but they are raising eyebrows across the political landscape. Hispanics now represent 16% of the total population. Nearly a quarter – 23 percent – of all children age 17 or younger are Latino. These numbers are particularly troubling for the GOP which is out of touch with the Hispanic community. The GOP continues to promote anti-Hispanic rhetoric and legislation. Then again Democrats have not been particularly attentive to the needs of Hispanics either. In the recent past, the Democratic majority held Congress and Senate failed to pass the DREAM Act and has failed to agree upon an immigration policy.

   While all the new Census numbers are encouraging for Hispanics, politically speaking they don’t mean much until the Hispanic community registers to vote and then exercises that right to vote. Again as an example we have Escondido. While Hispanics make up a majority of the population, less than 20% are registered to vote.  Of those, only 9% voted in the last election. If we want our elected officials to reflect the majority population and to be accountable, then it becomes incumbent upon the Hispanic community to not only to register and vote, but to encourage others, become involved and make our voices heard.

   If the Hispanic fails to vote, the community will continue to be held hostage by a minority population that dictates policies and actions upon the Hispanic community. Increasing Hispanic census figures won’t change a thing!

    The most diverse state in the nation became even more so over the past decade, with big shifts in California’s ethnic populations certain to trigger seismic changes in its political landscape as well.

    Even as the state’s overall population grew more slowly than at any time in the last century, the Latino and Asian populations experienced robust growth, according to 2010 U.S. Census data released Tuesday. Demographers attribute much of the growth to an infusion of immigrants from places like Central America, South Asia, Korea and the Philippines, though census data on those populations won’t be available for some time.

    The biggest population gains were among Latinos, who now make up 37.6 percent of California’s total population, compared with 32 percent in the 2000 census. The white population dropped to about 40 percent of the state’s total, versus 46.7 percent in 2000.

    For the first time, Latino children made up a majority of California’s under-18 population, according to the 2010 data—a figure that suggests the state’s total Latino population will surpass 50 percent by 2020.

    But the state’s Asian population posted the fastest rate of growth, up 31 percent over the past decade, compared with 28 percent for Latinos. Asians now make up 12.8 percent of California’s population.

    In a development that surprised some demographers, California’s black population shrank by 1 percent, with urban areas suffering the biggest losses. Many of those African Americans migrated to the Central Valley and the Inland Empire, drawn by cheaper housing prices and a more appealing quality of life—until the Great Recession left those areas economically decimated.

Shift in Political Clout From Coast to Interior

    Indeed, the state’s fastest growing counties were in the Central Valley and Inland Empire, signaling a coming shift in political clout away from coastal areas such as Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area, analysts said. The census data will be used to redraw California’s political districts to elect members of Congress and the state Legislature in Sacramento.

    Overall, the state’s population increased by 10 percent over the decade, to 37.2 million—a relatively modest gain that means that, for the first time since California became a state in 1850, it will add no Congressional seats in the national political reapportionment that follows every census count.

    “The big story for California is it’s now becoming an anchor rather than a magnet in the West,”  William Frey, demographer and senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C., told the Wall Street Journal.

    Many of the state’s demographic trends have moderated along with overall growth, noted Hans Johnson, director of research at the Public Policy Institute of California. “We’ve seen a moderation in terms of some of the ethnic population increases—we’ve continued to see a strong increase in Latinos and Asians, but not as high as in the past. We continue to see whites leaving California, but the flow outward is slower. The net effect is an increasingly diverse population.”

    Just as significant, “California’s ethnic diversity is not just isolated to a few big cities,” Johnson pointed out. “In New York state, it’s really just New York City that’s diverse—the rest of the state is very white. But in California, we saw with this census that suburban areas are often very diverse. San Bernardino has a higher proportion of Latinos than L.A. County. I would not have guessed that we would see that.”           

Latinos Account for 90 Percent of Increase

    The spike in California’s Latino population mirrors what’s been seen around the country as the latest census data is released in states as different as Texas, Nevada, Illinois, Washington and North Carolina. Even in places such as South Dakota, Mississippi, Maryland, and Arkansas, the Latino population doubled in the past decade, growing at 10 times the rate of the non-Latino populations.

    Of California’s 3.4 million new residents, some 90 percent are Latino, said Rosalind Gold, senior director of policy, research and advocacy at the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials (NALEO) Educational Fund in Los Angeles. That growth largely offset the 5.4 percent decline in the state’s non-Hispanic white population over the same period. “Without Latino population growth, California would not have been able to maintain its [53] Congressional seats and the political power that goes with them,” Gold said.

    Much of that growth occurred in parts of the state—such as Riverside, San Bernardino, San Joaquin, Kern, and Contra Costa counties—that have been heavily white and Republican. For example, in Riverside County, whose 41.7 percent population gain made it the fastest-growing county in the state, the number of Latinos surged by 78 percent, while whites—who made up 51 percent of the population in 2000—slipped to 36.2 percent of the total in 2010.

    A study last year by the Brookings Institution found that the Inland Empire had the largest increase in Latino population of any metropolitan region in the nation during the last decade.

    The shift in places like Riverside is sure to lead to clashes as the brand-new Citizens Redistricting Commission uses the census data to draw new districts for Congressional and state lawmakers. “The commissioners are going to need to take into account the fact that you have significant Latino population growth in different parts of the state,” Gold said.

    Gold said the census data also highlighted the need for lawmakers to pay more attention to the concerns of Latino young people. “Fifty-one percent of Californians under age 18 —one out of two youth —are Latino. They are California’s future leaders, California’s future electorate, California’s future workforce. So for California to prosper and have a robust democracy, it must address the needs of Latino youth.”

            For as long as can be remembered, San Diego County was home to a Western-European descendant population that politically and economically controlled the region. The other ethnic and racial group minorities were tolerated, as long as they were passive in their demands and submissive to the will of the majority.

            Unnoticed for a time was the growing Hispanic or if you will, Latino population whose growth became the majority in most of the county’s southern cities and communities, and slowly began to overtake the non-Hispanic population in a number of the county’s northern cities. So it has come to pass that SANDAG’s 2010 regional demographic report indicates that in Escondido, the non-Hispanic population is now a minority and other north county cities will soon follow.

            Giving way to the inevitable loss of power and faced with a formerly passive and submissive ethnic group now eager to challenge the old system is not easily acceptable by a large segment of the county’s northern population. And they are striking back with a barrage of abrasive often cruel and insensitive rhetoric intentionally or unintentionally aimed at the heart of the Hispanic people and, as in the case of Escondido, passing highly discriminatory laws in hopes of turning back the tide.

            Because it is “politically incorrect” and due to Civil and Constitutional rights the attacks are aimed at “illegal aliens” in our presence instead of directly at the overall Hispanic population. The undocumented immigrants are in their mind fair game and attacks directed towards them are more palatable, thus in this manner they serve as the proxy for the frustration of the growing numbers and power of Hispanic citizens.

            The attacks are with frequency devoid of fact, persistent myths kept alive through repetition, and downright untruths. An example among these remarks is one made by Escondido’s new mayor Sam Abed that it’s not a matter of too many Hispanic rather their “refusal to assimilate.”  The key words are ‘their refusal’ as it is a direct condemnation to the entire Hispanic group without basis and in fact, grossly erroneous and insulting.

            Like all immigrant groups to the US, most Hispanics arrive without English language skills, which depending on age of arrival either can be overcome or not, but by the second generation English is the chosen language. Thus hearing Spanish is not due to ‘refusal to assimilate’ nor enjoying ancestral culture a rejection to the new culture. Referring to oneself as Mexican or from whatever Latin American country, is not repudiation to the ‘new’ country anymore than those of Irish or Italian ancestry referring to themselves as such.

            Facts dispel the notion that Hispanics are not assimilating. They are creating new businesses three times faster than the general population generating millions of dollars of annual revenues. Nationally Hispanic purchasing power surpasses $700 billion per year with an annual growth of $50 billion; and they are registering to vote at a rate six times greater than the general population. Hispanic home ownership since 1994, though still lagging in total, has grown by 17.48 percent, compared to non-Hispanic white home ownership growth of 5.86 percent, and in 2002 overtook African Americans in total percentage of home ownership (48.4% vs 46.2%).

            Further evidence can be seen in Escondido itself where a Hispanic was elected to the city council. Surely Mayor Abed does not suggest that Councilwoman Olga Diaz is not assimilated?

            Mayor Abed, other elected officials and non-Hispanic Escondido residents must keep in mind that accepting diversity is part of their own assimilation process and until they do so, they are not fully assimilated to what is the spirit of America. It is a sign of non assimilation and most certainly nothing patriotic on seeing brown skin and pronouncing the person is in the U.S. illegally, or by the introduction and passing of discriminatory unconstitutional laws aimed at one sector of our society.

            The high hope is that all elected officials throughout the region will govern representing all residents within their jurisdiction not just a segment. And, most certainly not spewing divisive rhetoric that neither stems the changing demographics nor solves the real problems such as illegal immigration, education, employment, et al, faced by the region as a whole.

            Fredi Avalos, a member of Vista Citizens for Responsible Government, was quoted saying it best, “We need to set up some way for Latinos and whites to have coffee together.”

Osio is the editor of HispanicVista.com and co-founder of TransBorder Communications, dedicated to binational economic developmentt Posiojr@aol.com.

   The announcement this week of the 2010 Census population count didn’t tell us how many Latinos there were in the United States today, but it did tell us that Latinos are poised to became a powerful political force. Maybe.

   The Census revealed that U.S. population growth in the last decade was the second lowest since the Great Depression, and that the greatest growth was in states and regions of the country where Latinos are increasingly concentrated. While the resident population grew by 13 to 14 percent in the South and West, it increased by only 3 to 4 percent in in the Midwest and Northeast. States with large numbers of Latinos were the fastest-growing: Nevada, Arizona, Colorado, Florida, and Texas grew by double digits.

   In terms of the reapportionment process, these demographics translate into greater political representation and potential clout for Latino-rich states. States with the largest Congressional delegations and greatest number of Electoral College votes are California, Texas, Florida and New York, all with large Latino populations and significant political representation.

   The irony is that many of these growth centers, which are the beneficiaries of population growth due in large part of immigration and brisk Latino birthrates, are also places with large reservoirs of anti-immigrant and anti-Latino sentiments (and policies). These are also areas with a strong Republican Party presence, and an increasingly unsympathetic Latino electorate to counter that party’s influence. There is a political strangeness to this development of a growing Latino presence strengthening anti-immigrant, anti-Latino forces, and vice-versa.

   When these population counts were released a decade earlier, similar pronouncements were made then as today about how they pointed to a strong Republican advantage. But that decade wound up with a White House and Congress dominated by Democrats. This is a reminder that demography is destiny, but not all of the time. One reason may be that Latinos could potentially become a political Trojan Horse for the Republican Party as Latino Republicans become increasingly uneasy with their party’s potentially growing and Tea Party-fueled anti-immigrant positions.

   When the next big release of 2010 Census data occurs in a month or so, the big news may well be that the Latino population will reach from 46 to 50 million, around 15 to 16 percent of the total population. This will generate a national discussion about whether this is a good or bad thing for America, a kind of Samuel Huntington redux. With a more conservative Congress in place, this next Census announcement will re-ignite the next generation of the immigration debate, with all the anti-Latino rhetoric it brings with it. And this number, scary to many, won’t even include the nearly 4 million residents of Puerto Rico who are also U.S. citizens.

   The Latino community should have by now realized that turning our population numbers into political and economic power is not an automatic or simple thing to accomplish. It requires an aggressive and creative leadership and a whole lot of independent grassroots organizing. It requires a social movement, something which the Census Bureau can’t provide. 

Angelo Falcón is a political scientist and President of the National Institute for Latino Policy (NiLP). He serves as Chair of the Census Advisory Committee on the Hispanic Population.

    Hispanic-owned businesses are booming across the United States, specifically in the South. 

    Arkansas had a 160 percent increase in Hispanic-owned business, growing from 2,094 businesses in 2002 to 5,457 in 2007, according to a study released Tuesday by the U.S. Census Bureau.

    “Our Hispanic community has grown significantly,” said Fayetteville Chamber of Commerce President Steve Clark. “That diversity is very good for us. We have a Spanish language radio station now, which is something we would not have had five years ago.”

    Other Southern states also have increases. In 2007, North Carolina had 21,277 Hispanic-owned businesses, a 135 percent increase from 2002, with 9,043 businesses. Nationally, Hispanic-owned businesses increased by 44 percent, compared to an 18 percent increase in all U.S businesses.

    “The diversity is very smart for us. If we want to attract new jobs, you have to have a very culturally and diverse community to do that,” Clark said.

    North Carolina and Arkansas still have low numbers of Hispanic-owned businesses compared to some other states. California has the highest number of Hispanic-owned businesses, 566,000.

    Florida had the second-highest number of Hispanic-owned businesses, 450,000, followed by Texas, with 447,000.

    The boom in business can be attributed to the growth of the Hispanic community in these states. In 2008, 7 percent of North Carolina’s population was Hispanic, up from 4.7 percent in 2000, according to the Census.

    “We have found one of the biggest reasons people migrate here is education,” said Raul Herrera, vice president of the North Carolina Hispanic Chamber of Commerce. “There is an opportunity for a very good education, and it’s fairly easy to pay off. It’s an opportunity to educate their children and themselves that may not be available in another state.

    Although Hispanic and other minority-owned businesses are surpassing the average growth rate, revenue produced by minority businesses is significantly lower than non-minority businesses.

    In 2007, average gross receipts for minority-owned firms increased to $179,000 from $167,000 in 2002 but remained lower than non-minority-owned firms, which grossed an average of $490,000, according to the report.

    “Minority firms are relatively recent to the game. Also there’s a factor of access to capital, which has been an area of frustration for minority-owned firms,” said David Hinson, director of the Minority Business Development Agency, part of the Department of Commerce. “Access to contracts has also been challenging.”

    Herrera sees these problems every day in North Carolina. His group helps to educate the community to overcome those problems.

    “The norm in the Hispanic community is to do things very informally, and that doesn’t help business grow,” Herrera said. “We try to bridge that gap by educating people through workshops.”

    A recent workshop focused on marketing.

    “Some of these business owners don’t realize what the benefits marketing could bring,” he said. “They are not used to thinking about things like that. They are used to working, so we help them with that.”

    The largest group of businesses owned by Hispanics, 30 percent, are in construction, repair and maintenance.

    However, Cindy Ramos-Davidson, CEO of the El Paso (Texas) Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, said other sectors are growing.

    “Although many of our new, growing Hispanic business are in the service industry, we are noticing a trend of businesses opening their doors in the medical, transportation and defense arenas, among others,” Ramos-Davidson said.

    Clark said Arkansas also has a large number of Hispanic-owned businesses in the retail sector, and business in accounting and real estate are growing.

    “We expect to see this continue,” Clark said. “We are very excited about it because it is very positive for our community.”

El objetivo principal del censo es determinar la representación política, pero también los datos del censo influyen en las decisiones federales, estatales y locales al asignar los fondos para educación, capacitación laboral, cuidado de niños, iniciativas de pequeños negocios y otros servicios críticos de la comunidad. Los programas y servicios de este tipo son importantes para todos en la comunidad, pero pueden tener un impacto especialmente importante en los esfuerzos para aumentar las oportunidades para las mujeres, particularmente en los ingresos, un área donde las mujeres siguen a la zaga de sus homólogos masculinos. Los datos más recientes muestran que las mujeres ganan 71 centavos por cada dólar que ganan los hombres. En las comunidades minoritarias, la brecha es aún mayor. Las mujeres hispanas ganan 58 centavos por cada dólar que ganan los hombres blancos no hispanos.

Un censo preciso puede tener un impacto significativo en los esfuerzos destinados a lidiar con las disparidades sociales, como los que afectan al progreso de la mujer. Un conteo completo puede ayudar a asegurar que las comunidades reciban los fondos adecuados para apoyar los esfuerzos educativos, tales como programas en la infancia temprana, escuelas de K-12, escuelas técnicas, colegios comunitarios y programas universitarios. Programas como estos constituyen una base educativa sólida que puede ampliar las oportunidades profesionales para las mujeres y las poblaciones desfavorecidas. En consecuencia, este tipo de programas puede beneficiar significativamente a nuestra nación, desarrollando una fuer-za laboral más solida que impulsará nuestro progreso en el futuro. La Oficina del Censo lanzó recientemente una nueva herramienta interactiva donde se pueden ver diariamente los índices de participación por correo en su comunidad, al ingresar su código postal. Puede comparar varias áreas simultáneamente para ver cual tiene los índices más altos de participación por correo y animar a su comunidad a que devuelva sus formularios.

El Censo del 2010 no sólo es crítico para nuestras comunidades, también es seguro, simple y fácil de completar. El formulario se compone de 10 preguntas básicas y le tomará a la familia promedio de menos de 10 minutos completarlo. La información que usted proporcione es privada y confidencial. La ley del censo protege estricta y claramente la información de los individuos, estableciendo que la Oficina del Censo no puede divulgar nada que pueda utilizarse para identificar una persona o negocio. En nuestra comunidad hay varios centros de asistencia que pueden contestar cualquier pregunta que usted tenga sobre el censo o sobre cómo completar el formulario. Como una organización que se centra en el progreso de la mujer, MANA insta a que utilice el censo como una oportunidad para que usted, su familia y sus vecinos sean escuchados. Al ser contado y al animar a su comunidad a que sea contada, jugará un papel importante en la construcción de un futuro mejor para todos.

Ayude a que las cifras de su comunidad aumenten, para que así reciban los fondos y los recursos que necesitan. Visite y comparta el mapa de “Tome 10” en  http://2010.census.gov/2010census/take10map/. Para más información, por favor visite: www.2010.census.gov y  www.2010.census.gov/espanol/

El único evento cívico que incluye a todas las personas en el país, el Censo es la base representativa de la democracia de los Estados Unidos, asegurándose que cada 10 años el Congreso esté equitativamente distribuido entre estados. El conteo del Censo, además, es utilizado para trazar nuevas líneas estatales, locales y legislativas para que la representación política sea equitativamente distribuida a través de los cambios en la población.

“Cuando reciba el cuestionario del Censo del 2010, por favor, llénelo y devuélvalo por correo,” dijo el Director de la Oficina del Censo, Robert M. Groves. “Es uno de los cuestionarios más cortos en nuestra historia, con sólo 10 preguntas muy parecidas a las que los próceres James Madison y Thomas Jefferson ayudaron a elaborar en el primer Censo”, concluyó.

Mientras Estados Unidos ha crecido y se ha convertido más complejo y diverso, al mismo tiempo cada década se ha vuelto más difícil obtener un conteo completo de la población. El Censo del 2010 presenta retos durante la recesión economía actual, incluyendo la crisis en la vivienda, en una tasa mucho más altas en hogares desocupados que deben ser visitados para asegurar un conteo completo.

La Oficina del Censo,  ha estimado hoy que si cada hogar completa y devuelve por correo el cuestionario del censo, los contribuyentes podrían reducir el costo de realizar el censo en $1.5 mil millones. La Oficina del Censo ahorra acerca de $85 millones en costos operacionales por cada punto porcentual de aumento en la tasa nacional de participación por correo.

La participación en el censo por todas las personas que vivan en Estados Unidos es requerida por ley federal, y se le pide al público que envíen por correo sus cuestionarios del Censo del 2010 una vez sean entregados esta semana entre el 15 a 17 de marzo.  Cerca de 12 millones de direcciones, mayormente en aéreas rurales, así como en las aéreas del Golfo de México afectadas por el huracán Katrina, comenzaron a recibir los cuestionarios a mano el 1 de marzo.

Los datos del censo además, ayudan a determinar más de $400 mil millones en fondos federales los cuales son distribuidos cada año a los gobiernos tribales, estatales y locales  incluyendo fondos para escuelas, carreteras, cuidado de la salud y otros programas críticos para las comunidades.

Por primera vez, cuestionarios bilingües inglés/español serán enviados a 13 millones de hogares donde el español es el idioma predominante.  Braille y formas de impresión grande estarán disponibles por petición. Para la audición, un programa de TDD estará disponible al llamar el número 1-866-738-2010.

Para ayudar a las personas que no hablen inglés a llenar el cuestionario, guías de asis-tencia con el idioma estarán disponibles en 59 idiomas diferentes en < www.2010census.gov >. Además, hay videos cortos en la página Web disponibles para ayudar a llenar los cuestionarios. Teléfonos de Asistencia con el Cuestionario están también disponibles en español (1-866-928-2010).

La Oficina del Censo además, estará trabajando en más de 30,000 Centros de Asistencia con el Cuestionario a través del país donde las personas pueden obtener ayuda con sus cuestionarios en múltiples lenguajes.

Todas las respuestas al censo son confidenciales, son protegidas por ley federal y no son compartidas con nadie. Por ley, la Oficina del Censo no puede compartir con nadie, incluyendo a las autoridades de vivienda tribal, otras agencias federales y entidades de ley, las respuestas.

Todos los empleados del Censo toman un juramento de no divulgación de por vida para proteger la confidencialidad de los datos. Las penalidades por divulgar la información son, multa de hasta $250,000, y pena de prisión de hasta cinco años o ambas.

It was when I first stood atop the Pyramid of the Sun in Teotihuacan, Mexico in 1976 that I was finally able to grasp something my parents first communicated to me when I was five years old; that my roots on this continent are not simply Mexican, but both ancient and Indigenous.

My red-brown face should have been enough to teach me this. However, that was not the message I received in school at the time, nor is it the message little red-brown kids receive today.

I experienced a similar kind of reaffirmation this past month when I stood in front of the world-renowned, ancient Mayan observatory at Chichen Itza, on Mexico’s Yucatan peninsula.

Upon my return to the United States, I received a message from a colleague regarding the U.S. Census Bureau. My mouth soured; another decade and another story about how the bureau paradoxically insists that Mexicans are Caucasian. I will have to explain to them again that Mexicans are the descendants of those who built the pyramids at Teotihuacan and Chichen Itza – that it was not Caucasians who built them.

The genesis of this nonsensical “misconception” goes back to the era when the United States militarily took half of Mexico in 1848. At that time, the Mexican government attempted to protect its former citizens by insisting that the U.S. government treat them legally as “white,” so they would not be enslaved or subjected to legal segregation. That strategy only partially worked, because most Mexicans in this country have never been treated as “white,” or as full human beings with full human rights.

That era is long over, yet the fear, shame, denial, and semi-legal fiction of being “white” remains, perpetrated primarily by government bureaucrats.

Despite the bureau policy of racial categorization, the Indigenous Cultures Institute in Texas, a Census 2010 partner, has advanced an alternative: It asserts that Hispanics, Mexican Americans, and Indigenous people of Mexico are native or American Indian. After answering Question 8, regarding whether one is Hispanic or not, the institute suggests: “If you are a descendant of native people, you can identify yourself (in Question 9) as an American Indian in the 2010 Census… If you don’t know your tribe, enter “unknown” or “detribalized native.” If tribe or identity is known, fill it in, i.e., Macehual, Maya, Quechua, etc.

This may not be the best option, but the bureau has never made it easy to recognize the indigenous roots of “Mexican Americans/Chicanos” or “Latinos/Hispanics.” The long and sordid history of the census has been to direct or redirect them into the white category, even—and especially—when they have asserted their indigenous roots or when they have checked the “other” race category. (Since 1980, about half of Hispanics/Latinos have checked the “other” race category and are virtually the only group that chooses this category.) This has been a standard practice of the bureau since the second half of the twentieth century. Coincidentally, this is also when government bureaucrats imposed the term “Hispanic,” a tag that generally masks the existence of indigenous and/or African roots in many peoples of the Americas.

In 2000, the Census Bureau finally recognized a Latin American Indian category, but it did not create an educational campaign to go with it. The bureau now recognizes peoples who are traditionally viewed (using arbitrary criteria) as indigenous in Mexico, Central and South America, but it does not recognize those who are considered “mestizo” –- peoples who are at least part, if not primarily, native. The mestizo category, borne of a dehumanizing racial caste system in the Americas, is also a troublesome category, yet it is how most people of Mexican and Central American descent identify, comprising approximately 75 percent of all “Latinos/Hispanics.”

The Indigenous Institute promotes its idea as a means by which Mexican Americans or Latinos/Hispanics can honor their indigenous ancestry. If this option is widely embraced, it remains to be seen how the bureau will count this information. The same question arises if people choose the American Indian category and write in “mestizo.”

Traditionally, the bureau has taken a narrow view of who is indigenous, because the “American Indian” category was designed not to ascertain the indigenous, but to count “U.S. Indians.” If a more expansive view is embraced widely –- as advocated by the institute -– it would result in an increase from 5 million (the 2009 census estimate) to perhaps 30 to 40 million people. (Not all of the nation’s close to 50 million Hispanics/Latinos can or would claim indigenous ancestry.)

If done correctly, the institute’s suggestion need not negatively affect the allocation of resources to specific tribes. Neither should the way people identify be subject to government approval. Yet, the ramifications of exercising such an option should indeed be studied.

Rodriguez, an assistant professor at the University of Arizona, can be reached at: XColumn@gmail.com

   Con un tono innovador, diferente y completamente digital, la Oficina del Censo de los Estados Unidos lanza hoy su página web en español del Censo del 2010, www.2010census.gov/espanol. La página web tiene como objetivo informar a los más de 34 millones de personas que hablan español en el hogar acerca del Censo del 2010 y comunicar a la comunidad Hispana que su participación es fácil, importante y segura.

   La nueva página del Censo del 2010 en español es una experiencia interactiva, presenta las 10 preguntas del cuestionario del Censo del 2010, con imágenes gráficas innovadoras y en movimiento. La página web refuerza el mensaje de que las respuestas al censo son estrictamente confidenciales y protegidas por ley. El cuestionario del Censo del 2010 será uno de los más cortos en la historia de los Estados Unidos y tomará sólo 10 minutos completarlo.

   “Cada década el censo se ha adaptado para reflejar los cambios emergentes de una población diversa en crecimiento. La nueva página de Internet es un ejemplo de cómo la Oficina del Censo continúa respondiendo a nuevos retos”, indicó el Director de la Oficina del Censo Robert M. Groves. “Esperamos que las personas que la visiten puedan relacionarse y entender la importancia de su participación en el Censo del 2010; entender el impacto que ellos pueden tener para el bienestar de sus comunidades”.

   La página web, www.2010census.gov/espanol, presenta seis videos con experiencias reales en español. Cada video muestra respuestas a las preguntas más comunes sobre el Censo del 2010. La página además, ofrece fechas importantes, las rutas de los 13 vehículos de la Gira Nacional del Censo del 2010, lo último en medios sociales (como el blog del director) y conexión con 224 medios sociales.

   “Nuestra página de Internet en español del Censo del 2010 demuestra el compromiso de la Oficina del Censo de asegurar un conteo justo y exacto de la población hispana”, añadió Groves. “El Censo del 2010 es fácil, importante y seguro y le exhortamos a cada uno a que se aseguren de ser contados”.

   La Oficina del Censo enviará por correo 120 millones de cuestionarios comenzando en marzo. Por primera vez, la Oficina del Censo enviará por correo 13 millones de cuestionarios bilingües en inglés y español a través del país.

   En adición a la versión en español de la página del Censo del 2010, la Oficina del Censo está realizando esfuerzos para llegar a aquellas comunidades que no hablan inglés. Una descripción sobre el censo y una guía sobre cómo contestar la forma está disponible en 59 idiomas diferentes. Al contrario de la campaña de comunicaciones del Censo 2000, la cual fue en 17 lenguajes, el Censo del 2010 utilizará 28 lenguajes para su campaña de comunicaciones. Además, el cuestionario del Censo del 2010 estará disponible en seis idiomas — inglés, español, ruso, chino, coreano y vietnamita.

   El Censo del 2010 es el conteo de todas las personas que residen en los Estados Unidos y es requerido constitucionalmente. Los datos obtenidos en el censo son utilizados para determinar el número de escaños que cada estado tiene en la Cámara de Representantes de los Estados Unidos, para distribuir cada año más de $400 billones en fondos federales para los gobiernos tribales, estatales y locales y para tomar decisiones sobre qué servicios de la comunidad ofrecer.

By: Alice Gomez and Lucia Matthews

As the saying goes, a picture is worth a thousand words. The upcoming 2010 U.S. Census, what the official Census web-site refers to as a “portrait of America”, may up the ante. There has been an unprecedented buzz around what this influential survey will reveal about the Hispanic population months before its March commencement.

“Every individual within the snapshot has a story.” That is what the Census.gov home-page goes on to claim. Public focus seems to be centered on what story will be told of the U.S. Hispanic whole. An accurate calculation of the Hispanic population will divulge the magnitude of their presence. Advocates believe the result would be enhanced political voice and benefits from federal programming.

The Census is much more than a head count. Comprised of ten simple demographic questions, the form has monumental impact. The decennial poll decides the fate of more than $300 billion in government funding annually. These monies are allocated towards infrastructure and services such as hospitals, education, emergency services, roads, etc.

Census results also determine political representation at both the state and federal level. State congressional districts are created with the philosophy of ‘one-man-one-vote.’ Theoretically, borders are drawn based on equal population disbursement. The Census determines the number of representatives a state has in the House of Representatives as well.

Beyond financial and political clout the Census is a close as it comes to a quantifiable depiction of American society. It is an illustration of the U.S. people- its family size, racial and geographic makeup. Debates rage over what role the 2010 Census will cast Hispanics in its narrative.

In the 2000 Census, the Hispanic population was reported at 35.3 million, or 12.5 percent, a nearly 60 percent increase from 1990. These findings branded Latinos as the largest and fastest growing minority group. However, doubts of accuracy surround whether a significant portion of Hispanics remained uncounted. The Census Bureau estimated an over-count of 1.3 million U.S. citizens and an under-count of 250,000 Hispanics.

Whether this potential miscount was the fault of an imperfect system or uncooperative citizens is difficult to pinpoint. Most certainly it was a combination of both. Regardless, the 2010 Census seems promising.

The U.S. Census Bureau is making an attempt to improve their Hispanic market reach. Local politicians and government representatives are work-ing to increase awareness of the Census’ privacy policies. Legally information collected from the survey can not be held against an individual. It can not be used to enforce immigration laws. Active recruitment of Hispanic Census workers also aid the Bureau’s efforts. In addition, more bilingual forms than ever before will be distributed to encourage participation.

If the polls are any indicator of Census cooperation, then Hispanics appear more open to Census participation than years prior. Nationwide, Hispanic voter registration grew 54 percent and voter turnout 64 percent between 2000 and 2008. Many Hispanic advocacy and Spanish-language media channels are campaigning for the Census. There is a lot of support behind the belief the Census will advance U.S. Hispanics.

“The new Census numbers will give Hispanics greater leverage with their legitimate claims for recognition, influence and resources” Eric Shannon, LatPro, Inc President, said. LatPro is an online service that connects organizations with Hispanic and bilingual professionals.

The point here is not to dismiss obstacles still at play. There remains a grave amount of uncertainty and distrust within the Hispanic community surrounding how the government will utilize Census information. Current economic conditions may also hinder Census accuracy. The number of Americans moving around for jobs and the wave of foreclosures is sure to affect Census information.

A perfect Census is an impossible ideal. The goal is to generate the most realistic depiction of the U.S. possible. The more skewed the results, the more abstract the snapshot. An effective 2010 Census would produce an accurate understanding of Hispanic presence. Optimistically, such would lead to a positive influence on Hispanic voice and advocacy within the U.S.

About Lucia Matthews: Hispanic public relations executive Lucia Matthews founded San Diego based Diálogo PR to help organizations move beyond monologue marketing, to dialogue with Hispanic consumers, customers, influencers and other stakeholders.  Lucia believes by engaging Hispanic consumer’s in-market, brands gain a market advantage to positively tip sentiment in a significant way.

WASHINGTON — Representatives of 29 civil rights organizations gathered on Capitol Hill Tuesday to express their opposition to legislation that would require individuals to indicate their citizenship status in the 2010 census.

 Simon Rosenberg, president of the liberal Washington think tank NDN, said the amendment put forth by Sens. David Vitter, R-La., and Robert Bennett, R-Utah, will “undoubtedly politicize the census.”

 By law, the Census Bureau cannot share or reveal information about individuals. The proposed amendment would change that.

 Wade Henderson, president of the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, said the amendment is unconstitutional. He compared it to the pre-Civil War three-fifths compromise that made slaves equal to three-fifths of one person.

 “Census 2010 is not a partisan issue, it’s a national issue,” Henderson said.

 Henderson said the amendment “seeks to play on public fears” about illegal immigration, which he said is unhealthy for the American people.

 Gloria Montaño Greene said she is concerned that the amendment would suppress the rate of Latino response to the census.

 “Just the talk of it has hurt some communities,” Montaño Greene said.

 Representatives of the groups at the news conference agreed there is already a measure of distrust among immigrants and minority communities with the census, and the amendment would cause even more suspicion toward the U.S. government.

 Terry Ao, director of the Asian American Justice Center, said to add the new question to the census “at this time in the process would be catastrophic.”

 Census Day will fall on April 1, 2010, and those opposing the Vitter-Bennett amendment said there is not enough time to redo the census forms in less than six months. 

 Rosenberg also called the amendment unconstitutional and said it would be a tremendous expense for the U.S. Census Bureau and taxpayers.

 Ira Mehlman, spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, said it would be a slight cost for taxpayers but said identifying illegal immigrants in the census should have been addressed earlier.  

 “People who are concerned about this question being added to the census never seem to be concerned with the cost of illegal immigration itself,” Mehlman said.

 Mehlman said FAIR, which works to stop illegal immigration, has been challenging the inclusion of illegal immigrants in reapportioning House districts since the organization formed in 1979.

 “Essentially, what we are doing is taking representation away from citizens in one state and giving it to illegal immigrants in other states,” Mehlman said.

 “The system is broken, and areas of the country with high illegal populations should not be rewarded with greater representation in Congress,” Ben-nett said in a statement released earlier this month. “The decennial census is an overwhelming and extremely expensive undertaking and it must be done right.”

 Mehlman said the problem with including illegal immigrants in census information is that citizens’ votes are diluted.

 Mehlman said the proposed amendment shouldn’t discourage people from responding to the census, although he said, “there may be political leaders within the ethnic community that encourage people to not participate in the census.”

 Even with the census in just six months, Mehlman said there is time to add the question to the census forms.

 The Census Bureau did not respond to a request for comment.

 The Senate is expected to vote in the coming weeks on the amendment, which is part of the Commerce-Justice-State appropriations bill for 2010.